Stampa la pagina Condividi su Google Condividi su Twitter Condividi su Facebook Vol. 12 (2014)

Emanuele Castelli, Sul titolo dei libri nell’antichità. Una nuova interpretazione del framm. 140 (ed. K.-A.) del Lino di Alessi, pp. 1-18

Abstract - This paper investigates one of the most important sources concerning the history of book titles in Antiquity, namely the only extant fragment of Alexis’ comedy Linus (Alexis fragment 140, ed. by K.-A.). This fragment in fact contains the most ancient occurrences of the word ἐπίγραμμα with the meaning of «heading» or «book title». However, it poses many philological and hermeneutic problems which have not been resolved until now. In fact, scholars have generally considered the first four lines of the fragment as an uninterrupted speech of Linus, the mythical inventor of music and of poetry, to his disciple Heracles. Some years ago William G. Arnott and more recently S. Douglas Olson instead suggested to interpret the words πάνυ γε of v. 3 as pronounced by Heracles.

An attentive analysis of the fragment’s content shows that if the first four lines belong entirely to Linus’ speech, the text offers no acceptable meaning. Instead, the division of the text proposed by Arnott and Olson should be regarded as resolving the syntactical and hermeneutical problems of the first lines. In fact, it restores a clear meaning to the passage: Linus advises his student to take a book and to read it; Heracles replies affirmatively and places himself in front of the books; at this point Linus continues the conversation, advising him to choose calmly on the basis of the ἐπιγράμματα, i.e. on the basis of the book titles. In addition, the new interpretation makes it possible to now understand the exact significance of the words ἀτρέμα τε καὶ σχολῇ (v. 4). These words should not be read in connection with ἀναγνώσει (v. 3), as has been frequently maintained, but with the words immediately preceding; that is, with διασκοπῶν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπιγραμμάτων (vv. 3-4). Linus is not inviting his student to read calmly and carefully here; rather, Linus is advising Heracles to choose the book (!) calmly and without haste, by examining the ἐπιγράμματα.

Daniele Pellacani, «Shunning her mother’s sight». A Note on Cicero, Aratea, fr. 31 Soubiran, pp. 19-28, tavv. 7

Abstract - In a fragment of his Aratea (fr. 31 Soubiran) Cicero describes Andromeda while, full of grief, shuns the sight of Cassiopeia, her mother (Andromeda aufugiens aspectum maesta parentis). The detail, both pictorial and pathetic, is without parallels either in Aratus or in the extant Latin translations of the Greek poem. I thus suppose that Cicero’s addition could have been influenced by the iconography of the two constellations attested by the earliest extant celestial globes, the only ones from classical antiquity still preserved in their entirety: the Kugel’s Globe (Ist century BC ?), the Farnese Atlas (Ist century BC ?), and the Mainz Globe (150-220 AD). In all these artifacts Andromeda is in fact depicted with her face turned away from her mother Cassiopeia. The paper also deal with schol. Arat. 353, p. 253 M., where it is said that Andromeda, frightened, refuse to look at the Sea-monster; finally I suggest a possible relationship between Cicero’s fragment and Lucr. 1,99 hostia concideret mactatu maesta parentis (Iphigenia’s sacrifice).

Paolo Fioretti, Sulla genesi della capitale romana ‘rustica’, pp. 29-76, tavv. 12

Abstract - The aim of this research is to investigate the origins of Roman writing usually called ‘capitale rustica’. According to the hypothesis presented here, this writing is not born for the production of books, but in the context of the writings painted, when in the course of the first century BC the simple brush is replaced by a brush with the tip broad and flat (‘pennellessa’). The formation of this style is related to the political, social and institutional changes after the Social War: in Rome and cities under the Roman law, the painted ‘capitale rustica’ was used in inscriptions aimed at informing citizens (laws, decrees, lists of cariche pubbliche, campaign posters, notices ...). In the second half of the first century BC this writing is also widespread in the commercial sector. Finally, when the book became a luxury consumer goods produced by commercial workshops, the ‘capitale rustica’ was imitated in the books elegant, using acalamus with a wide tip, similar to the ‘pennellessa’.

R. George Murdoch Nisbet †, Conjectures on the Text of Juvenal, pp. 77-81

Abstract - Textual notes on Juv. 4, 133; 6, 178-181; 9, 28-31; 11, 28-30; 11, 145-148; 13, 13-16.

Camille Gerzaguet, Le De fuga saeculi d’Ambroise de Milan: transmission, diffusion et circulation de la tradition manuscrite (IXe-XIIe), pp. 83-147, tavv. 4

Abstract - The article discusses thorougly the manuscript tradition of Ambrose of Milan’s De fuga saeculi. Consisting in the analysis of the relationship between thirty manuscripts (IX-XII c.), it defines the existence of an archetype, from which derive two families. The first one, the «french family», whose main witnesses are Saint-Omer, Bib. mun., 72, and Paris, BnF, lat. 1913, is descended from a probable pre-carolingian subarchetype to be located in the North-East of France. Concerning the second one, the «german-italian family», the study especially draws attention to a new manuscript, Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare, 14, copied in Milan around 860-875. A stemma codicum of De fuga saeculi’s tradition is for the first time proposed.

Oronzo Pecere, Cassiodoro e la protostoria di un corpus di scritti di Boezio, pp. 149-221, tavv. 7

Abstract - On the basis of an ‘index of contents’ survived in a Fleury ms. from the end of the Xth century (Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, 267), two late antique witnesses of a corpus of Boethius’s writings are reconstructed. The former is a codex due to the initiative of Renatus of Ravenna, a member of that same cultivated aristocracy to which Boethius belonged; the artefact was written in Constantinople, immediately after Boethius’s death, by Theodorus, the pupil of Priscianus who was also the scribe of the ‘official’ edition of the great grammarian’sArs. The latter manuscript is a copy of this exemplar, executed between the second and the third decade of the VIth century and corrected against the antigraphum by the author of a subscription preserved in the Fleury ms. There are persuasive clues to ascribe to Cassiodorus the paternity of this subscription and, consequently, the ownership of the second copy of the Boethian corpus. Extracts from the last work in that collection, De differentiis topicis, are to be found in redactions Φ and Δ of Cassiodorus’s Institutiones; this leads to reckon that a copy of the corpus was in use in Vivarium, a copy to be identified with the exemplar corrected by Cassiodorus himself and later handed over to the monastery’s library. Here the Boethiancorpus merged into a wider ensemble of dialectic writings to shape the textual programme of the model to which the medieval recensio of all those works goes back.

Margherita Losacco, Ancora sui testimoni della Biblioteca foziana: sulle mani del Marc. gr. 451, pp. 223-259, tavv. 10

Abstract - Photius’ Library has been transmitted to us in two independent manuscripts: Marc. gr. 450 (end of the 9th cent.) and 451. Much scholarly attention has been devoted to Marc. gr. 450, with increasingly substantial results in the last few decades. On the contrary, ms. Marc. gr. 451 has never been studied from a modern codicological and palaeographical perspective. This article provides a new codicological and palaeographical description of the Marc. gr. 451. It will be argued that this codex has been penned by six hands, not three, as previously assessed, and is datable to the first decades of the 12th century – even though it is not possible to exclude the very last decades of the 11th. In particular, this paper investigates whether or not one of the six scribes might be identified as a «leading scholar», and whether or not they might belong to a «reading circle».

Michael Winterbottom, William of Malmesbury’s Work on the Declamationes maiores, pp.261-276

Abstract - This paper analyses the marginalia written by William of Malmesbury (†1142) into an Oxford MS of the pseudo-Quintilianic Major Declamations.

Elisa Bianchi, La crisobolla imperiale Iviron 58/B: un autografo del πρωτασηκρῆτις Michele Senacherim?, pp. 277-307, tavv. 3

Abstract - Michael Senacherim, teacher of poetry and rhetoric at Saint Tryfon School (since 1255), official of the imperial byzantine chancery, began his career as protasekretis during the period of Nicaea, at the time of John III Duke Vatatzes (1222-54) and Theodore II Lascaris (1254-58), as well as under Michael VIII (since 1259), before the conquest of the Capital. Among his activity, we have one dorsal note and two signatures in the following imperial documents: Lavra 71 (according to the edition of the Actes de l’Athos), Patmos 14 and 30 (according to the edition of Era Vranoussi). On the basis of palaeographical evidence (although exiguous) it is possible to identify Senacherim’s hand with the one who wrote a certified copy of the Chrysoboullos Logos sent by Michael VIII in January 1259 to the monastery of Iviron (Actes d’Iviron III, nr. 58/B). This identification, if accepted, would be the first hand testimony – dated and identified – in the context of the handwritings of the so-called Fettaugenmode in the half of the thirteenth: this would place greater emphasis on the role held by the period of Nicaea in the formation of some graphic experiences of the second half of the thirteenth century.

Anatole Pierre Fuksas, The divisio operis of Chrétien’s Romances and the Paratextual Systemof the Guiot Manuscript (Paris, BNF, fr. 794), pp. 309-325

Abstract - An analytical study of the paratextual indications of the renowed Guiot’s manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. 794) shows that the first unit features a multilayered divisio operis of the Chevalier au Lion and the Chevalier de la Charrette, even though it does not associate miniatures or tituli to champie initials as the manuscripts Princeton University Library, Garrett 125 and Montpellier, Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, Section médecine, H 252 respectively do. Consequently, Guiot’s manuscript would provide the only surviving evidence of a paratextual system which also reflects a hierarchic divisio operisof Erec et Enide and Cliges.

Stefano Parenti, Dal Salento al North Carolina: ritrovato l’eucologio di Galàtone (Durham, Duke University Library, Ms. Gr. 19 e 20), pp. 327-332, tavv. 2

Abstract - This note establishes that a 13th century Greek euchology from Salento currently held at the library of Duke University in North Carolina (today Ms. Gr. 19 and 20) is actually a codex that previously belonged to the archive of the parochial church of Maria SS. Assunta in Galàtone in the Lecce Province. The manuscript’s transfer to the United States occurred between 1917 and 1940 in circumstances that for the moment remain unclear.

Federico M. PetrucciIl Vat. gr. 1029 di Platone: struttura codicologica e dinamiche di allestimento, pp. 333-369

Abstract - The Vat. gr. 1029 is a big Platonic manuscript. Although it is not a primary witness for Plato’s text, it is well worth attention, since it is one of the most comprehensive Platonic manuscripts, it was produced in the monastery of Chora and offers some codicological and philological puzzles. In this paper I propose a new codicological and paleographical description, derived from a direct analysis of this codex, which corrects some errors of preceding literature and emphasises its peculiar structure. Secondly, I shall outline the traditional collocation of the manuscript and its relations with apographs. Finally, I deal with the (aporetic) history of this manuscript. As a overall conclusion, it is possible to describe the Vat. gr. 1029 as a ‘work in progress’, which combines refined aesthetic and philological research.

Giuseppe Pascale, Letture di Temistio tra il XIV e il XV secolo, pp. 371, tavv. 4

Abstract - This paper aims to complete the survey of all extant witnesses of Themistiusorationes IV-V-VII-IX-X (a corpusculum of late antique origin), by means of analysis and collation of the text transmitted by four mss. which contain excerpts or single speeches: in particular mss. Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, Pal. gr. 129 (K), Torino, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, B.V.33 (T), Firenze, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 12 (E), Par. gr. 2967 (c). A short description of the manuscripts is provided and their relationships with other witnesses of Themistius’ speeches are estabilished; hence the four mss. find place in the stemma codicumdrawn up by the author in a previous work. Finally, results of new research about some important witnesses of Themistius’ speeches are presented: in particular most of the manuscripts appear to have beeen copied and studied during the Palaeologan Period (XIII-XIV century) between Thessaloniki and Constantinople.

Addenda et corrigenda «Segno e testo», 11 (2013)

Daniela Colomo

The avis phoenix in the Schools of Rhetoric: P.Mil. Vogl. I 20 and P.Lond. Lit. 193 revisited, p.411

Lidia Buono

Un omiliario di Cava del XII secolo in frammenti: ricostruzione codicologica e commento liturgico, p. 413, tavv. 4

[Ultima modifica: giovedì 6 giugno 2019]